A Look At Deferred Action Applicants One Year Later

One year after undocumented youth began applying for the deferred action program that grants them a two-year reprieve from deportation and work authorization, a new study offers a look at the pool of applicants.

The study released Wednesday by the Brookings Institute shows that of the 936,000 people who were estimated to qualify for the federal program at the time of its announcement last summer, about 557,400 of phd of pharmacy in canada them applied for it as of June 30.

That means more than half of eligible Dreamers have submitted applications

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for the federal program, which is officially know as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services began accepting applications for the program on Aug. 15, 2012.

Of those applications submitted

as of June 30, nearly 75 percent were approved. Just 1 percent of the applications

were denied and about 25 percent were still under review.

“DACA applications are accepted on cheapest online viagra a rolling basis and there is no deadline,” the authors viagra super force review of the study noted. “The statistics presented here, therefore, represent a snapshot, and are not final.”

Using monthly data released by USCIS, the Brookings Institute study also found that more applications for deferred action were accepted in the first months of the program. The volume of applications peaked at about 116,200 in October and dropped to a low of about 18,300 in June.

The decline, according to the study, is due to several reasons, including the difficulty some undocumented young immigrants face in documenting their continuous presence in the U.S. and their lack of funds to pay the $465 application fee.

Study goes beyond the numbers of deferred action applicants

The Brookings Institute study also goes beyond just looking at the number of deferred action applicants.

It provides “a wealth of information through which to understand where DACA applicants come from and where they live in the U.S., as well as other information, such as the gender and age breakdown canada pharmacy drixoral of the population,” according to the Center for American Progress, which is scheduled to host a panel discussion over deferred action on Thursday.

“Most crucially, this data opens a window to assess just how well the DACA program has been functioning, and where it can be improved,” CAP added.

Analyzing data obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, the Brookings Institute study depicts a profile of deferred action applicants.

It shows that deferred action applicants walmart pharmacy manager salary canada as fairly young, with more than half of them being under the age of 21. Undocumented young immigrants who were age 24 or older made up 24 percent of all applicants as of June 30.

The study also reveals that many deferred action applicants arrived in the U.S. at a young age. Nearly one-third of applicants were 5 years old or younger and more than two-thirds were 10 years

old or younger at arrival. Furthermore, 72 percent of deferred action applicants had resided in the U.S. for at least 10 years as of 2012.

Deferred action applicants were born in 192 countries, according to the study. Nearly 75 percent of them were born in Mexico, followed by El Salvador (4.0 percent), Honduras (2.7 percent), Guatemala (2.5 percent), South Korea best pharmacy university in canada (1.5 percent), Peru (1.4 percent), Brazil (1.2 percent), Colombia (1.1 percent), Ecuador (1.0) and the Philippines (0.7).

California, Texas, New York, Illinois and Florida hold the highest numbers of deferred action applicants. These states are also among those with the largest foreign-born populations, according to the report. Other states with high numbers of deferred action applicants include North Carolina, Arizona and Georgia.





Woman sues over vaginal, anal exams in El Paso drug search

A New Mexico woman claims in a federal lawsuit that she underwent a brutal and inhumane six-hour full-body cavity search by federal officers that included anal and vaginal probes that made her feel like an “animal.”

The woman, a Lovington, N.M. resident, also is suing University Medical Center, where she was forced to have an observed bowel movement, was X-rayed, had a speculum exam, vaginal exam and had a CT scan.

The suit claims the hospital “violated her” and then gave her the $5,000 bill.

The lawsuit names the El Paso County Hospital District’s Board cialis 20mg of Managers, University Medical Center, Drs. Michael Parsa and Christopher Cabanillas,

two unknown supervising U.S. Customs and Border Protection officers and two other CBP officers only identified by their last names of Portillo and Herrera as defendants. The doctors and the agents could not be reached for comment.

The 54-year-old woman, who is not identified in the suit, is asking for an unspecified amount of money and to end the policy that gives federal

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agents and officers the authority to stick their fingers and objects up people’s cavities when they search for drugs.

The lawsuit was filed Wednesday by the American Civil Liberties Union in federal court in El Paso on behalf of the woman who was stopped as she crossed at the Bridge of the Americas a year ago. Despite the six-hour search at the port and then later at UMC, no drugs were found.

The woman is identified as Jane Doe in the lawsuit.

According to the lawsuit, the woman was first frisked and strip-searched at the port of entry, where officers stuck

their fingers inside her rectum and vagina. When that search came up negative, she was taken to University Medical Center.

“These extreme and illegal searches deeply traumatized our client,” canadian pharmacy online ACLU of New Mexico Legal Director Laura Schauer Ives said in the news release. “The fact that our government treated an innocent 54-year-old woman with such brutality and inhumanity should outrage all Americans. We must ensure that government agents never put another person through a nightmare like this ever again.”

A spokesman for U.S. Customs and Border Protection said in a prepared statement that the agency could not talk about a specific lawsuit.

“As a practice CBP does not comment on pending litigation,” the statement said. “CBP stresses honor and integrity in every aspect of our mission, and the overwhelming majority of CBP employees and officers perform their duties with honor and distinction, working tirelessly every day to keep our country safe. We do not tolerate corruption or abuse within our ranks, and we fully cooperate with any criminal or administrative investigations of alleged misconduct by any of our personnel, on or off-duty.”

University Medical Center also declined to get into specifics of the lawsuit.

“Hospital policy is to obtain consent from all patients who receive medical services at UMC,” spokeswoman Margaret Altoff-Olivas said in a statement. “Because this case involves litigation, UMC will not be commenting further.”

The search took place at about 2 p.m. Dec. 12, 2012, when the woman was coming back from seeing a family friend, whom she calls “uncle” and tries to visit once a month.

As her passport was swiped, a CBP officer told her she was “randomly” picked for a secondary inspection, where Portillo and Herrera frisked her through her clothing.

“One of the agents ran her finger over Ms. Doe’s genital area during the frisk,” the lawsuit said.

Then the woman was told to squat as one of the officers “inserted her finger in the crevice of Ms. Doe’s buttocks.” The frisk did not show any evidence of contraband or drugs, the lawsuit said.

Then the woman was told to stand in a line with other people as a drug-sniffing dog walked by.

The officer with the dog “hit the ground by her feet, but did not hit the ground by cialis drug class any of the others in the line,” the lawsuit said. “The dog responded by lunging onto Ms. Doe and landing its front paws on her torso.”

Ives said she does not believe this was a proper signal to indicate a drugs were present, but officers used it to continue the search.

The woman was taken to another room and asked to take off her pants and crouch as her anus and vagina were examined with a flashlight, the lawsuit said.

The woman, now crying, was taken to University Medical Center after the strip search did not find anything.

“During the car ride to the Medical Center, Ms. Doe asked if the agents had a warrant,” the lawsuit said. “One of them responded that they did not need a warrant.”

While handcuffed to an examination table, the woman was searched again by both officers and Cabanillas and Parsa. She was given a laxative and had a bowel movement in a portable toilet in front of both officers, the lawsuit said.

Then the woman’s abdomen was X-rayed, but there were no signs of drugs or any other contraband in the woman’s body. A speculum was used to probe her vagina and Parsa’s fingers were used to inspect both her vagina and rectum while the door to the examining room was left open, the lawsuit said.

At this point the lawsuit claims, “Ms. Doe felt that she was being treated less than human, like an animal.”

The last test was a CT scan of the woman’s abdomen and pelvis, which resulted in no evidence of illegal activity being found.

The lawsuit said after the CT scan one of the officers viagra from china told the woman she could sign the medical consent form and CBP would pay for the exams, but if she did not sign, she would be charged. The woman refused to sign and eventually she was charged more than $5,000 for the examinations.

According to the lawsuit, she repeatedly refused to consent to any of the searches.

University Medical Center’s search of patients policy states, “Associates, members of Medical Staff, Residents or Allied Health Professionals may search a patient only when necessary to comply with a search warrant.” Under the subhead procedure, the policy states, “…unless a patient consents, an invasion of the patient’s body to obtain evidence requires a search warrant.”

A warrant was not obtained, the lawsuit online shopping pharmacy canada said.

“However, in practice, the Medical Center staff and CBP agents routinely conduct invasive cavity searches without warrant, consent or sufficient suspicion to justify the searches,” the lawsuit said. “When Ms. Doe expressed dismay about the unreasonable searches she suffered, a Medical Center employee responded that these procedures were routinely followed when an individual is brought in by CBP agents.”

In a phone interview, Ives said searches like the one the 54-year-old woman

went through are illegal and becoming common among law enforcement.

“When the less intrusive search didn’t find any evidence of drugs, more intrusive searches should have not been used,” Ives said. “Any one of those searches should have eliminated any suspicion of drugs. A second search should make it clear and at most a third search should have been the last.”

She said: “The fact that this happened to a 54-year-old woman should outrage anyone. She did ask to talk to an attorney and she did ask for viagra kaufen deutschland ohne rezept

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a warrant. I don’t know what guarantees there are to our rights other than a lawsuit like this one that hold the government agencies responsible.”

Last month, a Deming man sued Deming police officers who gave him three enemas, two anal probes and a colonoscopy after he was suspected of having drugs. The search found nothing, and lawyers for the man said the warrant used to conduct the search failed to show probable cause.






Many Immigrants Hesitate To Seek Health Insurance

HOUSTON (AP) — Day after day, Adonias Arevalo tried to calm his parents’ nerves, attempting to convince them it was safe for him to apply for government-subsidized health insurance through the nation’s new coverage system.

Like many other immigrants, Arevalo’s parents worried that personal information on their son’s application could somehow draw immigration authorities’ attention to the couple, who emigrated here illegally from El Salvador seven years ago.

After a week of discussion, the 22-year-old Houston man, who works at a community center and has temporary legal status, finally eased their fears. But other immigrant families remain leery, and some are so concerned that they would rather see loved ones go without coverage than risk giving personal information to a federal agency.

“They are afraid,” Arevalo said. “The majority of families, they know it’s something they need to do. … They’re just afraid of putting themselves out like that.”

Immigrants who are in the U.S. illegally cannot participate in the system. But many have eligible relatives who are citizens or legal residents.

Since the system debuted in October, immigrant advocates and the federal government have been working to reassure families that their information will not be shared with enforcement agencies. The effort has led to changes in the main health care website and a memo from immigration authorities promising not to go after anyone based on insurance paperwork.

Immigrant families are important to the success of the health care overhaul, especially in Texas, which has the nation’s highest rate of uninsured people, many of whom are immigrants.

Of the nearly 40 million people living in the U.S. who were born elsewhere, about a third do not have health insurance, according to census data. And about 9 million people in the U.S. belong to immigrant families in which at least one child is a citizen, according to the Pew Research Center’s Hispanic Trends Project.

Those immigrant families, which tend to be younger and healthy, are attractive to the health care program because it relies on young participants to pay premiums to help fund coverage for older people who need

more expensive care.

In Houston’s Harris County, where more than a quarter of the 4 million residents are foreign-born, the group Enroll America is trying to soothe anxieties that signing up for insurance could mean risking deportation.

“It has pushed people away from wanting to apply online,” said Mario Castillo, who leads the group’s efforts in the Houston area. “They don’t want to type that into a computer … they want to put a paper application in.”

Cheryl O’Donnell, state director of Enroll America in Arizona, said her staff is confronting similar concerns.

“There is a lot of fear, particularly if the noncitizen is applying for a citizen child,” she said.

In mid-October, three weeks after enrollment opened, President Barack Obama’s administration stepped in. Immigration and Customs Enforcement published a “clarification” designed to assuage fears. The memo explained that information obtained through health care registration would not be used to pursue immigration cases against

anyone in the country illegally.

Jenny Rejeske, a health policy analyst at the National Immigration Law Center, said advocates had shared with the government concerns they heard from mixed-status families.

Advocates had sought that clarification for years, but it wasn’t until federal officials “saw that this was going to be a deterrent for people applying that they decided to do something about it,” Rejeske said.

Around the same time, a new page appeared on titled “What do immigrant families need to know about the marketplace?” Under a heading for mixed-status families, it states: “Family members who aren’t applying for health coverage for themselves won’t be asked if they have eligible immigration status.”

It also said that applying to the insurance marketplace, Medicaid or the children’s program known as CHIP will not mean immigrants are considered a “public charge,” addressing a long-held concern that accepting a government benefit could jeopardize their chance of getting legal status or becoming a naturalized citizen.

That guidance was also worked into training for “navigators” assigned to help people enroll in the marketplace.

Esmeralda Carreon, a Texas navigator working in communities near the border with Mexico, said she explains to families that while information will be shared

with the immigration agency to verify eligibility, it will not bring agents to their door.

Already with Medicaid and CHIP “we have a lot of parents who are not legal,” Carreon said. “And nobody has come to their houses and told them anything because the services are for those children.”

Increasing participation in those other programs in recent years suggests mixed-status families could be overcoming some of their fears, said Genevieve Kenney, a principal research associate in the Health Policy Center of the Urban Institute.

Among the nation’s uninsured children — regardless of immigration status — 65 percent are eligible for Medicaid or CHIP but are not enrolled.

Arevalo, who applied for insurance after talking to his parents, works as a community resources specialist at a community center run by Neighborhood Centers Inc. He moved to the U.S. from El Salvador when he was 14 and received permission in March to stay in the country for two years through a program offered by Obama to some immigrants who were brought into the country illegally as children.

His new job puts him at an income too high to qualify for a tax subsidy in the health care marketplace, though he would also be ineligible due to his deferred immigration status. Instead, he will have to buy a basic insurance plan through his employer for about 20 percent of his monthly salary.

But to learn that, he

first had to apply for coverage, and persuading his parents his application wouldn’t jeopardize them was a significant hurdle.

“There was a little fear that this is like telling the government, ‘Hey we’re here and we’re undocumented,’” he said.





Joe Biden Makes Big Promises On Immigration Reform

WASHINGTON — Vice President Joe Biden vowed Wednesday that the comprehensive immigration reform bill passed by the Senate would become law, even as he was hammered by conservatives over whether the legislation is fair.

“There’s an easy thing that can happen: even the majority of the members of Congress in both political parties believe there’s a need for this reform,” Biden said during a question-and-answer chat hosted by Skype and Bing, featuring questions submitted via the video messaging service and Twitter. “But Mr. Boehner, who is a good man, the speaker of the House of Representatives, he will not call up the bill passed overwhelmingly by the Senate.”

“He will not bring it up because he is very worried about his very conservative base, his tea party base,” he continued. “He’s unwilling to let

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the House speak. He’s unwilling to let the House vote.”

The vice president veered slightly from the more recent White House messaging by making firm commitments about the the Senate bill, which passed 68 to 32 in June, rather than reform in general. House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) has vowed not to hold a vote on the Senate legislation, and although there is a similar bill in the lower chamber, it seems unlikely to get a vote. President Barack Obama has said the House should hold a vote on the Senate bill and that it would pass. But in absence of such action, Obama has also recently expressed more openness to working with Boehner on the “step-by-step” approach the speaker has promised, so long as important issues such as a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants aren’t left out.

But while Obama has said he is willing to take other routes to immigration reform, Biden repeatedly made promises specifically referring to the Senate bill.

“We’re going to pass this bill, this Senate bill that we’re talking about here. It’s going to happen,” he told an undocumented immigrant, or so-called Dreamer, who received reprieve under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program.

Biden and White House Domestic Policy Advisor Cecilia Muñoz took questions for about half an hour, and were put on the defense by some

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conservatives and others skeptical to reform. The first question came from Crystal Wright, a conservative blogger and consultant, who challenged Biden and Muñoz on whether they “think it’s fair to grant amnesty” to undocumented immigrants.

“We’re not granting amnesty,” Biden said. “They’re going to have to get in line. They have to get in line in order to earn that citizenship, and it’s a

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long line, and it’s going to take a long time.”

According to her Twitter feed, Wright wasn’t convinced.

Although a number of activists submitted questions on whether the president will halt deportations, the issue was addressed only in response to Twitter user WiseLatina2theRight:


“The president doesn’t have the authority to suspend deportations,” Muñoz said. “If you’re referring to [Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals], that was an action by the Department of Homeland Security and it was a use of their enforcement authority.”

Although Muñoz defended that policy, and said it would remain intact so long as Obama is president, she also defended the administration’s decision not to broaden deferred action.

“I know what some people want to know is whether or not we can use that authority, DHS can use that authority, more broadly, and the answer to that is we’ve got 11 million people who are deportable by act of Congress; we need Congress to act if we’re really going to protect everybody from deportation and put those people on a path to citizenship,” Muñoz said. “We can’t use just enforcement authority to fix this problem. The pathway to really fixing it goes straight through the Congress of the United States.”





Immigration Reform Power Tweeters: Part 2

Beginning in February 2013, researchers at the Institute for Immigration Research (IIR) at George Mason University began tracking the national immigration reform conversation on Twitter. In Part 1, we revealed that our analysis had uncovered five clusters of power tweeters (see Figure 1): (1) Mainstream, (2) Reformers, (3) Progressive Media, (4) Institutional Conservatives, and (5) the Tea Party. In this article, we’ll delve further into our data to look at the similarities and differences between these groups, and present several additional findings.

Figure 1: Clusters what is the difference between viagra and cialis of Immigration Reform Power Tweeters

To begin, we examine two broad measures of influence to see if any of these clusters is more or less influential than the others. We then look more deeply at the characteristics of the tweeters in each cluster — beginning with the length of time on Twitter, the number of tweets, and the number of followers and others followed — to better understand the nature of their influence. Finally, we examine the relationships between the power tweeters in each cluster, to look at how relationships among themselves contribute to each group’s overall role in the immigration reform conversation.

The basis for this analysis is found in the statistics reported in Figure 2. For each statistic, asterisks are used to indicate when the value for a cluster is statistically different from the value for the Tea Party cluster.

As an overall measure of influence, we can compare the average Klout scores for the power tweeters making up each cluster. A Twitter user’s Klout score is a number ranging from 1 to 100 and is widely accepted as an indicator of an individual’s online influence.

As Figure 2 indicates, the average Klout score for Tea Party members is lower than those for each of the other clusters. In all but one case (the Reformers), this difference is statistically significant.

Klout scores are representative of a tweeter’s overall influence, but the measures found in

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the next two rows in Figure 2 — betweenness centrality and impact — are based specifically on our analysis of tweets containing the word “immigration.”

-Betweenness centrality captures the load and importance of an individual tweeter. It indicates how well-positioned the tweeter is in the overall immigration conversation. While there are relatively large differences between the clusters (e.g., 731 for the Mainstream compared to 516 for the Tea Party) these differences are not statistically significant, because there are also large differences within each cluster.

-Impact is based on betweenness centrality, and refers to the average ranking (first through tenth) of members of each cluster when a member is among the top ten pg diploma courses for pharmacy graduates in canada tweeters

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in term of betweenness centrality in a given getting into pharmacy school in canada Twitter snapshot. As described in Part 1, we used the top ten tweeters by betweenness centrality over several hundred snapshots in a four month period to generate our group of “power tweeters.”

With our measure of impact, a low value indicates greater influence. As you can see in Figure 2, the impact score for members of the Mainstream group was on average about 25 percent more influential than power tweeters in other groups, including the Tea Party.

Figure 2: Measures of Influence for Five Clusters of Immigration Tweeters

To better examine the relative influence of these clusters, Figure 3 provides additional indicators of the Twitter presence of the members in each cluster. First, working as a pharmacy technician in canada with the number of days on Twitter, we see that on average influential members of the Tea Party cluster are newer to Twitter than members of the other four clusters. Then, in the following row, we note that the number of tweets from the Tea Party cluster members is roughly similar to those from the other clusters-with the exception of the Reformers, who tweet significantly less often than all other clusters.

We found important differences between the Tea Party cluster and other clusters, however, in the next two rows of Figure 3, which provide the average numbers of Twitter followers and users followed by the members of each cluster. Here, too, we see an important difference in how these groups seek to become influential.

The Mainstream, Reformer, Progressive Media, and Institutional Conservative clusters all amassed huge numbers of followers, but didn’t do much following of others by comparison. The average number of followers among these four groups ranged from approximately 165,000 to 867,000, while the average number of follows ranged from approximately 5,000 to 13,000.

By contrast, the Tea Party power tweeters had an average following of 47,000, far fewer than any

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of the other groups–but they averaged nearly 35,000 follows themselves, a figure three to seven times greater than the other groups.

One reason for this difference is a movement among conservative tweeters referred to as #tgdn, or the Twitter Gulag Defense Network, in which, according to the founder Todd Kincannon, “conservatives find and follow each other in order to defend against spam blocking liberals who get conservative Twitter users suspended.” This strategy builds on the premise that Twitter is less likely to suspend a user with several thousand followers.

Figure 3: Measures of Influence for Five Clusters of Immigration Tweeters

This suggests that the influence of the Tea Party group is largely attributable to activity within its own cluster. Support for this interpretation may be seen in Figure 4. The clustering coefficient indicates that the members of the Tea Party cluster are significantly more closely tied to one another. In other words, this cluster is “denser” than all other clusters of influential immigration tweeters.

In addition, the reciprocity ratio found in the final row reveals that members of the Tea Party cluster are significantly more likely to both follow and be followed by one another than members of all other clusters.

Figure 4: Measures of Influence for Five Clusters of Immigration Tweeters


Based on the findings presented here, when it comes to the immigration reform discussion, one may be tempted to treat the cluster of influential Tea Party tweeters as a tempest in a teapot. Though tweeting at a pace comparable to members of other clusters, they do not have much influence on the overall Twitter conversation on immigration. But we believe that dismissing this apparent internal soliloquy as wholly unimportant would be premature.

First, the tweets we have analyzed here only cover one slice of time, between February and June of 2013. These tweets were made as the Senate was successfully passing a comprehensive immigration reform bill, prior to Speaker of the House John Boehner’s July 2013 statement that he would refuse to put the Senate bill

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up for a floor vote by House members unless a majority of Republicans would support it. In short, it was a time when the Reformers and Progressive Media were on the “offense” with regards to immigration reform, while a significant number of conservatives were on “defense.”

Second, this analysis just looks at power tweeters, not the whole of the discussion about immigration reform on Twitter. It is possible that the cumulative impact of many individuals expressing the same views as the Tea Party power tweeters could actually have more impact than that of the subset of most influential tweeters in the Tea Party cluster. This would require a different type of analysis to assess.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, unlike Vegas, what happens on Twitter does not necessarily stay on Twitter. Tweeters with a Tea Party orientation are likely to have an impact on the immigration reform discussion quite apart from the conversation on Twitter. Being active on Twitter does not preclude offline forms of activism and influence. In fact, having a significant social media presence is increasingly a means to claim credibility in offline arenas. Our analysis of influential Twitter networks does not capture this sort of influence.

It remains to be seen how the interplay of online and offline dynamics might affect the ultimate outcome of immigration reform. We hope to investigate this in more detail as the movement — or lack of movement, as seems to be the situation for now–toward immigration reform continues to develop. Social scientists have long been interested in public discussion around politics and policy. The difference today, when much of this discussion takes place in public digital spaces, is that the conversation leaves plainly observable digital footprints. These are the tracks we will trace as we hope to better understand the voices of the individual actors and networks that promote or hinder immigration reform.


Randy Lynn and James C. Witte
George Mason University, Institute for Immigration Research




Immigration Activists are Hungry for Reform

As immigration activists ended a fourth week of fasting on the Mall, they were buoyed by a promise from Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid to visit their encampment Monday.

But minutes before Reid’s scheduled appearance at the “Fast for Families” tents a few blocks from the Capitol, the action’s organizers told reporters and photographers that they had just received a call from Reid’s office canceling his visit. The office blamed the icy weather — although the majority leader, it turned out, was already in Washington, and the roads were clear.

A spokesman for the Nevada Democrat said the visit will be rescheduled, but Reid had better hurry: The activists are expected to announce on Thursday, a month after they started the fast, that they are folding their tents.

House Republicans appear to be little, if any, closer to passing immigration legislation than they were a month ago. They’re planning to leave town for Christmas break at the end of the week (they returned last week from Thanksgiving recess) and House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) didn’t respond to the two letters the fasting activists delivered to him requesting a meeting.

“Unfortunately, neither Speaker Boehner nor his office has contacted us,” Sylvia Ruiz, the Service Employees International Union official who is leading the fast, told me Monday from the three-tent compound on Third Street SW. “It’s hard to move policy forward when a conversation can’t happen.”

This is not to take anything away from Ruiz’s efforts. By the usual standard for demonstrations, Fast for Families has been extraordinarily successful at focusing attention on the House’s inaction. The group received visits from President Obama, Vice President Biden, the first lady, Cabinet members and about 50 lawmakers. The hunger action got national media attention and inspired about 10,000 solidarity fasters.

But even that couldn’t budge the rock-solid indifference of the House GOP leadership. Organizers say three Republican members of Congress visited the encampment — Reps. Jeff Denham and David Valadao of California and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of Florida — but a majority of the caucus remains opposed to comprehensive reform.

Even though most Americans favor immigration legislation, and even though not passing it could more deeply alienate Republicans from Hispanics, GOP lawmakers fear any support for so-called amnesty could cost them their jobs to conservative primary challengers.

Last week, the Las Vegas Sun quoted Reid predicting that Boehner is “going to cave in” on allowing the House to pass legislation such as the bipartisan Senate bill. But, if so, it’s apparently going to take something beyond hunger strikes.

Technically, the action isn’t a hunger strike, because the participants are under medical care and have agreed not to cause themselves long-term harm. The original four fasters went 22 days before standing down last week. Among those still active, the longest has been consuming just water and electrolytes for 19 days. About 20 Democratic members of Congress have signed up to do a tag-team fast, in which each goes without food for a day or so.

“Nobody has a martyrdom syndrome,” said Rudy Lopez, who was starting day 19 when I spoke to him Monday. Lopez, whose cousin died crossing the border, has suffered from fatigue, dizziness and migraine auras. He says that he has lost 26 pounds but that he’ll stop whenever the doctors tell him to. “We’re not here saying it has to be our way and if not, we’re going to starve ourselves to death,” he said. “We want to highlight the suffering.”

Maybe Republican leaders would pay attention if it were a real hunger strike, and if people were dying out here, in view of the speaker’s balcony of the Capitol.

But people are dying every day along the border — if past trends have continued, organizers say, about 50 will have died crossing into the United States since the hunger action began — and one of the tents on Third Street contains items recovered from the desert (a makeshift cross, a battered shoe) to serve as a memorial to the dead.

Near that display is a sign that says “Call Speaker Boehner: 866-691-9212.” People have called in large numbers, and about 13,000 more have sent postcards or signed a petition. Religious leaders have added their voices. But Boehner hasn’t responded.

I’m told that the activists will announce plans to decamp from Third Street and to convert the street demonstration into more of an online movement. They deserve credit for their efforts. But they’re up against a cold reality: It’s going to take more than a month of famine to end the House Republicans’ drought on immigration.




Immigration Statistics Fast Facts

(CNN) — Here’s a look at what you need to know about U.S. immigration statistics.

Immigration Statistics:
2012 – U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement removes 409,849 undocumented immigrants.

2011 – The estimated number of undocumented immigrants in the U.S. is 11.5 million.

The undocumented immigrant population grew by 27% between 2000 and 2009.

59% of undocumented immigrants are from Mexico.

2.8 million undocumented residents live in California, while 1.8 million reside in Texas.

2008 – The Dept. of Homeland Security apprehended 792,000 foreign nationals. 88% of those arrested were natives of Mexico. Immigration and Customs Enforcement apprehended 379,000 people.

2008 – The Dept. of Homeland Security removed 359,000 undocumented immigrants from the U.S.
– Repatriated to Mexico – 69%
– Repatriated to Honduras – 8%
– Repatriated to Guatemala – 7.7%

2008 – 811,000 undocumented immigrants accepted offers to return to their home countries without being forcibly removed.

2008 – 97,100 criminals who were also undocumented immigrants were removed from the U.S. by the Dept. of Homeland Security. 36% were convicted of drug-related crimes.

2009 – The number of children born to at least one undocumented-immigrant parent was 350,000. These made up 8% of all U.S. births.

2010 – The total number of undocumented immigrants in the nation’s labor force in U.S. is 8 million. They made up 5.2% of the labor force in 2010.

2010 – 1.04 million people received legal permanent resident status.
– Born in Mexico -

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– Born in China – 70,863
– Born in the Philippines – 58,173

2011 - U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement removed 396,906 undocumented immigrants from the U.S.
– 216,698 (nearly 55%) had been convicted of felonies or misdemeanors, the largest number in the agency’s history.

April 23, 2012 - The Pew Hispanic center announces that the net migration from Mexico to the United States has stopped and possibly even reversed. They note that from 2005 to 2010, about 1.4 million Mexicans immigrated to the United States and about 1.4 million Mexican immigrants and their U.S.-born children moved from the United States to Mexico.




Obama To Angry Heckler About Record Deportations: We Are On The Same Side

President Barack Obama gives a speech on immigration reform at the Betty Ann Ong Chinese Recreation Center in San Francisco, Calif. on Monday, Nov. 25, 2013. (Jim Gensheimer/Bay Area News Group)

President Barack Obama invoked the Thanksgiving spirit Monday in search of an immigration deal with Congress, making a pitch for a legislative priority amid a West Coast fundraising swing.

As he wrapped up his speech in San Francisco, the President was interrupted by a heckler standing on the stage behind him who shouted at the president to stop deportations that split up families. When security tried to

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remove the demonstrator from the event, Obama said he could stay, noting that they’re on the same side.

The demonstrator who apparently inspired other hecklers, 24-year-old Ju Hong, shouted: “I need your help. My family will be separated on Thanksgiving. Please use your executive order. You have the power to stop deportation.”

The president turned around and looked at him.

“It won’t be as easy as just shouting. It requires us lobbying,” Obama said.

Others joined Hong and shouted: “Stop deportation, yes we can.”

To which the president also had a response.

“I respect the passion of these young people,” Obama responded after a few tense moments, “but we’re also a nation of laws, that’s our tradition.”

The president added: “The easy way out is to yell and pretend I can do something. It’s not just a matter of us saying we’re going to violate the law.”

Hong, who came to the U.S. from South Korea at age 11, was the subject of a UC Berkeley Campus Life YouTube video in 2012, titled“Ju Hong, UC Berkeley Undocumented Student.”

The Democratic-controlled Senate has passed a comprehensive bill that includes border security and a path to citizenship for millions of immigrants illegally in the United States. Obama prefers that approach but says he’s willing to go along with House Republicans who want to break immigration reform into pieces.

“It’s Thanksgiving. We can carve that bill into multiple pieces,” Obama said to laughter at the Betty Ann Ong Chinese Recreation Center in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood.

Obama said a quarter of the foreign-born population in the United States in 2011 came from Asian countries, and more than a million of the 11 million immigrants in the U.S. illegally are from Asia.

Facing opposition from many rank-and-file Republicans, House GOP leaders don’t plan to hold any votes on immigration during what remains of this year.

At the San Francisco Jazz Center hours later, Obama reflected in

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personal terms about his own family’s struggles as he continued a fundraising swing he started the night before in Seattle.

He said he starts each morning thinking about how he found himself in public service in the first place: The difficulties for his grandmother, who as a woman hit a glass ceiling in her career; his mother, who relied on scholarships as a single mom; and his wife’s father, a blue-collar worker who never went to college. Obama said he thinks

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about his family’s trajectory and what the U.S. has done for his family.

“I travel around the country and I see that story repeated over and over again,” Obama said, adding that he feels privileged to be president “because in some small measure every single day I have an opportunity to advance that story.”

After the pair of fundraisers in San Francisco on Monday, Obama was headed to Los Angeles to raise money for House and Senate Democrats. One event will be held at the home of

Earvin “Magic” Johnson, the former NBA star and now co-owner of baseball’s Los Angeles Dodgers.

Based on reporting by The Associated Press.

4 Ways Immigration Reform Still Could Happen — or Not

Immigration reform supporters

Washington (CNN) — It’s pretty clear the House of Representatives is not going to take up immigration reform this year.

Even after President Barack Obama said he was willing to consider immigration legislation in pieces instead of one large bill — which

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House Speaker John Boehner has suggested — just a handful of workdays remain for the House this year.

Obama’s concession might open the door for the House to consider the issue next year, but it’s going to take more than the president’s backing.

And more than his personal campaigning.

Speaking to supporters in San Francisco Monday, Obama called on House Republicans to take up the bill already passed by the Senate. “It’s long past time to fix our broken immigration system,” he said.

With the growing Latino population, the national Republican Party understands it must embrace the immigration issue.
Additionally, the public supports action. Two polls released this month show an overwhelming majority

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of Americans — 63% in a Public Religion Research Institute survey and 57% in a Quinnipiac poll — support a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants.

But some factions within the Republican base are adamantly opposed to any legislation that includes a path to citizenship. This division creates a challenge for Republicans.
Their answer: maybe later.

GOP strategist Ana Navarro told CNN that the timing “is just not right” and that the legislation is “not ripe and not ready.”
Here are some scenarios when the timing could be right:

1. When Obamacare works
As long as the Affordable Care Act is receiving negative headlines, immigration will be on the back burner.

During a discussion last week on the House floor between Majority Leader Eric Cantor, R-Virginia, and Minority Whip Steny Hoyer, D-Maryland, Cantor repeatedly pivoted away from the issue of immigration to Obamacare.

“What’s going on with Obamacare right now … I don’t think we ought to be engaging in those kinds of commitments when you can’t deliver,” Cantor said about bringing up immigration.
Hoyer responded: “We understand … you’d like to talk about health care without talking about anything else. I get that.”

The GOP sees Obamacare as a winning issue politically. It’s a major reason it won back the House in 2010, and the head of

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the Republican National Committee declared Republicans will run on Obamacare in 2014. Republicans are reticent to change the subject while they appear to be winning the message war.

2. ‘The sweet spot’
The House can bring up immigration legislation in 2014, but controversial topics are usually swept under the rug come election time.

Navarro said that next year, particularly the summer, might be the right time.
“The sweet spot is to do it sometime so it’s far enough from the election so it doesn’t become a big issue,” she said.

In other words, don’t upset the parts of the base that are anti-immigration but appeal to the majority of Americans who support an overhaul of the immigration system. The former could be prove more tricky as Republicans have to take into consideration primary voters and the possibility of primary challengers.

Some factions of the Republican Party are against any bill that includes a path to citizenship or legal residency for undocumented immigrants, which they see as amnesty.

For instance, Heritage Action for America, a lobbying and campaign arm of the conservative Heritage Foundation think tank, worked to get Senate Republicans to vote against the immigration bill last spring.

Immigration is not considered a top-tier issue, but Republicans do risk backlash. Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Florida, said he regretted his vote on comprehensive immigration reform that included a path to citizenship and that passed in the Senate this year. He helped to draft the bill.
Frank Sharry, executive director of America’s Voice, a pro-immigration group involved in pushing legislation through the House, said the GOP leadership is considering the stances of immigration opponents.

“Boehner and company seem a bit more concerned with tea party types … more concerned with their conservative members who could face ouster,” Sharry said.

If the House waits

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long enough next year to bring up immigration, it would be too late for immigration to be an issue in the primaries and, perhaps more importantly, too late for challengers to jump in the race and make it an issue.

3. Feelings must be mended
Leslie Sanchez, a Republican strategist who has worked

on immigration for nearly two decades, said it is a must-pass issue for the GOP to stay a relevant political party at the national level. But she said “a hostile political environment” is the biggest factor in prohibiting immigration legislation.

The recent government shutdown was perhaps a low point during an already perilous time in Washington. The trust factor between the two parties plummeted.

Rep. Michael McCaul, R-Texas, refused to attend a meeting at the White House to discuss immigration, calling it a “trap.”

“The shutdown was very toxic. Right now, it’s very difficult,” said Navarro, the Republican strategist.

And Ali Noorani, executive director of the National Immigration Forum, said few lawmakers from opposite parties are talking to each other.

“I just think the lines of communication between the parties have really broken down,” Noorani said.

4. When Republican proponents outweigh opponents
Another problem inhibiting an immigration bill is lack of incentives for Republican lawmakers to stick their necks out.

“Republicans have not gotten to yes,” Sharry said. And until they do, Boehner is reluctant to bring a bill to the floor.

“I don’t think they will bring it up until they can get it passed,” Navarro said, highlighting that Boehner is reluctant to bring a bill to the floor that would pass with mostly Democratic support.
One immigration proposal similar to the Senate version has the support of 190 lawmakers, a handful of whom are Republicans.

Rep. Jeff Denham, a Republican from an agricultural region of California, is one of the bill’s co-sponsors. He said there are at least six more Republicans who support the bill but haven’t come out publicly yet. But that’s far short of a majority.

To get more on board, a coalition of “bibles, business and badges” — representing key constituencies — is attempting to use its influence to pressure Republicans.

“It’s going to take a great deal of momentum and districts from across the nation,” Denham said.
Now that Boehner said there will be not bill this year, Republicans have little reason to put their name on legislation that could be politically disadvantageous.

“The biggest challenge of this bill is there is not a deadline,” Denham said. “That’s part of the reason this continues to get pushed.”






A Price Tag in the Billions

If only it were that easy — that the only consequence of driving unauthorized farm workers out viagra of the U.S. would be a few more pennies on the price of lettuce or an extra nickel for an avocado. In fact, the likely upshot would be far worse viagra online and would cut far deeper into our economic well-being.

No one in America is going to benefit from expelling immigrant farm workers. And the cost won’t be pennies: it will run to billions of dollars.
Why? Immigrant workers aren’t a “cheap labor” alternative, as so many Americans think. They are the only labor online cialis available to do many unskilled jobs, and if they were eliminated, most would not be replaced. Instead, whole sectors of the economy would shrivel, and with them, many other jobs often filled by more skilled Americans.

In 1960, half of all the native-born men in the U.S. labor force were high school dropouts

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the economy still generates plenty of unskilled jobs, and most unskilled immigrants don’t displace American workers. They fill niches — not just farmhand, but also chambermaid, busboy and others — that would otherwise go empty. And they support more skilled, more desirable jobs — foremen, accountants, waiters, chefs

and more — at the businesses where they work and others in the surrounding community.

Just raise the wage, you say, and an American would take the job? Not necessarily, and very unlikely if it’s a farm job. Farmers have been trying that — for decades. They raise the wage. They recruit in inner cities. They offer housing and transport and countless other benefits. Still, no one shows — is pharmacy a good career in canada or stays on the job, which is outdoors and grueling and must get done, no matter how hot or cold or otherwise unpleasant the weather. And of course, at some point, there are limits to how high a wage a grower or dairy farmer can pay before he is forced out of business by a farmer who produces the same commodity in another country, where the labor actually is cheap.

That’s exactly what will happen if unauthorized farm workers generic cialis online are expelled from the U.S. — not just more expensive produce, but the

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collapse of American labor-intensive agriculture. Instead of milk from a nearby dairy, the only kind available would come from abroad, and it would be irradiated or powdered. Meat would come from Brazil, shellfish from Thailand, fruits and vegetables from New Zealand — and that’s the good, expensive stuff. There would be plenty of inferior products too, and much much less of anything would be fresh.

But worst of all would be the jobs lost for Americans. According to economists, every farm job supports three to four others up and downstream in the local economy: from the people who make and sell fertilizer and farm machinery to those who work in trucking, food processing, grocery stores and restaurants. Do we really want cialis coupon card to lose those jobs too? No one in America is going

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to benefit from expelling immigrant farm workers. And the cost won’t be pennies: it will run to cialis inflate a ball billions of dollars.






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